[
Back to Issue Features]
Wall
Street and the Death of the American Century
Reg
Little
Gods of Money
William Engdahl
Global Research
William Engdahl’s
latest book is another awesome exploration and explanation of
the boldness and failings of Anglo-American global strategy over
most of the past century and a half. Engdahl recalls in his introduction
a statement from the 1970s attributed to then-U.S. Secretary of
State Henry Kissinger, a protégé of the powerful
Rockefeller circles, in which he declared, “If you control
the oil, you control entire nations; if you control the food,
you control the people; if you control the money, you control
the entire world.”
With Gods
of Money, Engdahl completes the trilogy, which with A Century
of War: Anglo-American Oil Politics and the New World Order, and
Seeds of Destruction: The Hidden Agenda of Genetic Manipulation,
explores the ways in which U.S. plutocrats and the people around
them would appear to have sought to control oil, food and money
in seeking to establish their sense of global order.
For anyone
interested in the contemporary world, its politics and its tragedies,
Engdahl’s books are obligatory reading. He explains how,
as enormous wealth concentrated into the hands of a few American
families, notably those of the Morgans and Rockefellers, the United
States developed a remarkable strategy that concentrated power
through the mastery of global finance, backed by military expedience.
Like a growing number of other writers, however, he leaves no
doubt that this strategy has run into serious troubles, devastating
Americans as much as the intended subjects of an American Century.
Engdahl’s
Left-leaning analysis highlights early the reality that “power,
together with control over the nation’s economy, was being
ruthlessly centralized in the hands of the wealthy few, every
bit as much as it had been in the days of Imperial Rome.”
He puts it brutally in these words:
Some 60
families—names like Rockefeller, Morgan, Dodge, Mellon,
Pratt, Harkness, Whitney, Duke, Harriman, Carnegie, Vanderbilt,
DuPont, Guggenheim, Astor, Lehman, Warburg, Taft, Huntington,
Baruch and Rosenwald— formed a close network of plutocratic
wealth that manipulated, bribed, and bullied its way to control
the destiny of the United States.
He continues:
They operated
in absolute secrecy, lest the general public understand how the
banks’ money manipulated political decisions behind the
scenes, including decisions to go to war or to keep the peace.
The shock of these passages rests in the realization that these
forces defined the 20th Century and are threatening various disasters
for large populations at the beginning of the 21st Century, and
yet remain largely unidentified in the mind of the voting electorate.
Central to the story are the consequences of the legislation that
established the Federal Reserve in 1913, placing it under the
control of private bankers able to access the taxes of ordinary
citizens
Engdahl draws
attention to the fact that when the dominant role of the City
of London over the terms of world trade was lost to the United
States in the two great wars of the 20th Century, “America
was to be an empire in much the same way that Great Britain had
been an Empire after 1815, with one significant difference. America’s
economic imperialism would disguise itself under the rhetorical
cover of ‘spreading free enterprise,’ and supporting
‘national self-determination’ and ‘democracy.’
The term ‘empire’ was to be scrupulously avoided.”
Engdhal recounts
how Americans believed propaganda that asserted America’s
God-given ‘Manifest Destiny’ to expand its frontiers
and plunder other countries. He argues that The Cold War, for
example, was fought by ‘American democracy’ against
‘Godless Communism’ and gave the advance of American
interests “a messianic religious cover that was astonishingly
effective for decades.”
Paired with
this propaganda mechanism was the construction of new International
Financial Institutions after the Second World War, where the IMF
become the global financial ‘policeman,’ under the
control of America and, to a lesser degree, Britain. This was
used to enforce the payment of “usurious debts through imposition
of the most draconian austerity in history.” ‘Free
trade’ and a ‘level playing field’ continued
to be “the rallying cry of the strongest, most advanced
economies, seeking to open up less developed markets for their
goods.”
The consequences
have been severe. As America’s most talented minds were
increasingly drawn to Wall Street with its far greater executive
compensation, the nation’s industrial base entered a terminal
decline. Neglect with this decline in industrial, educational
and scientific competitiveness made inevitable the off-shoring
of American industry, something that remains poorly, if at all,
understood in America. It is, of course well understood in Japan,
China and elsewhere in Asia. Meanwhile, as industrial output has
declined, education has deteriorated, and indebtedness has exploded.
By contrast,
Engdahl observes that during the past 40 years, the financial
sector’s share of total profits has grown from 2% to 40%.
This highlights the manner in which American abuse of its global
power in organizations like the IMF has also harmed the U.S. as
much as anyone. Indeed, in a bizarre, unique equation, American
consumption—which between 2000 and 2007 was still one-third
of growth globally—had by 2009, as one estimate reports,
produced an annual U.S. deficit of more than $5 trillion. With
its concluding review of the decline of the Roman Empire, Engdahl’s
latest has an ominous ring.
A
former Ambassador, Reg Little writes on International Relations
for PRRB from Brisbane, Australia. |